September 21, 2017

Brief History of the Kievan Rus

Shared from Rusiska Förbundet (link).


Kyivan Rus’ [Київська Русь; Kyivska Rus].
The first state to arise among the Eastern Slavs. It took its name from the city of Kyiv, the seat of the grand prince from about 880 until the beginning of the 13th century. At its zenith, it covered a territory stretching from the Carpathian Mountains to the Volga River, and from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea. The state's rapid rise and development was based on its advantageous location at the intersection of major north-south and east-west land and water trade routes with access to two major seas, and favorable local conditions for the development of agriculture. In the end, however, the state's great size led to the development of centrifugal tendencies and local interests that limited its political and social cohesion. This, and its proximity to the Asian steppes, which left it vulnerable to invasions of nomadic hordes, eventually contributed to the decline of Kyivan Rus’.

In the 8th century, the territory of Kyivan Rus’ was inhabited by a number of tribes who shared a common proto-Slavic language, pagan beliefs, and life-style. The ancestors of the Ukrainians included the Polianians, Siverianians, Derevlianians, Dulibians, White Croatians, Ulychians, and Tivertsians. The proto-Russian Krivichians, Viatichians, and Radimichians and the proto-Belorussian Drehovichians also lived on the lands that eventually constituted Kyivan Rus’. The Polianians were the largest and most developed of the tribes; according to the Rus’ Primary Chronicle, their prince Kyi founded the city of Kyiv in the 6th century. None of the tribes, however, was able to create a viable state, and in the 9th century the Varangians from Scandinavia conquered the tribes and laid the groundwork for the Kyivan Rus’ state.

History. According to some sources, the first Varangian rulers of Rus’ were Askold and Dyr. In 882 they were killed by Prince Oleh, the son of Riuryk of Novgorod. From that time, descendants of the Riurykide dynasty ruled Kyivan Rus’ and other east-European territories until 1596.

Prince Oleh was soon able to consolidate his rule in Kyiv and defeated the Khazars, who had been threatening the individual tribes from the east. In 907 he led a campaign against Constantinople and four years later concluded an important trade agreement that laid the basis for a permanent relationship between Rus’ and the Byzantine Empire. Oleh's son Prince Ihor (912–45) expanded the territory under his control to include the northern Pontic littoral. His attempts to extend his rule over all of the tribes in the region, however, were resisted and he was eventually killed by the Derevlianians, who refused to pay him tribute. His widow Princess Olha (945–62) ruled as regent until their son came of age. She was the first Rus’ ruler to convert to Christianity and to establish direct ties with central and western-European rulers. The reign of Sviatoslav I Ihorovych (962–72) was marked by almost uninterrupted warfare. Known as ‘the Conqueror,’ Sviatoslav Ihorovych attempted to expand his territory to the Danube River, defeating the Bulgarians and establishing Pereiaslavets on the Danube.

If the first period of Kyivan Rus’ history can be characterized as the era of expansion, which saw Kyiv extend its authority over all of the east-Slavic tribes and witnessed the attempts of the rulers to expand their realm to the Danube River and Volga River basins, then the second period, beginning with the reign of Yaropolk I Sviatoslavych (972–80), may best be described as the era of internal consolidation. However, it was under Yaropolk's brother Volodymyr the Great, who seized power with the help of Varangian mercenaries and killed his brother in 980, that Kyivan Rus’ became one of the pre-eminent states of Europe. The most important achievement of Volodymyr's rule was the adoption of Christianity in 988 as the official religion of Rus’ (see Christianization of Ukraine), which facilitated the spread of Byzantine culture throughout the state (see Byzantine art, Byzantine law) and served to reinforce the political unity and cultural cohesion of Rus’.

After Volodymyr the Great's death in 1015, his son Sviatopolk I seized power, but he was opposed in a bitter internecine war. Sviatopolk was initially helped by the Polish prince Bolesław I the Brave, who took the opportunity to capture the Cherven towns from Rus’; however, when he abandoned this alliance, his brother Yaroslav the Wise, aided by an army of Varangians, captured Kyiv. A second series of wars ensued between Yaroslav the Wise and his brother Mstyslav Volodymyrovych, who had developed an important power base as prince of Tmutorokan. The two brothers ruled jointly until Mstyslav died in 1036 without an heir, leaving Yaroslav the Wise as grand prince of a reunited Rus’. Yaroslav the Wise's reign as unchallenged grand prince (1036–54) was one of the highest points in the history of Rus’. The process of internal consolidation begun earlier was greatly furthered by Yaroslav the Wise's codification of the law in Ruskaia Pravda. Culture flourished: the magnificent Saint Sophia Cathedral was built in Kyiv, the Kyivan Cave Monastery was founded, a library was established, and learning and education were encouraged. Yaroslav the Wise also appointed the first local hierarch as Kyivan metropolitan (see Metropolitan Ilarion), thus asserting Kyiv's independence of Constantinople. Yaroslav's death initiated another round of civil war and internecine struggle, although he had tried to prevent this effect by preparing a plan for dividing up political power between his sons and re-establishing the seniority-rotation system devised by Volodymyr the Great. By this time, the interests of the individual princes were too disparate to be easily reconciled and none respected the others' domains or the ultimate authority of the Kyivan prince. The situation was further complicated by the presence of the Cumans, who in the middle of the 11th century had replaced the Pechenegs on the southern border of Rus’. For the next century and a half they waged continuous war against Rus’ and became involved in the internecine wars, serving as allies of one branch of the dynasty or another. The princes attempted to solve their differences in a series of conferences, especially the Liubech congress of princes in 1097, which altered the patrimonial system of decreeing that sons could rightfully inherit their father's lands, although they would all respect the authority of the Kyivan prince. All of these solutions were short-lived, however, and the civil wars continued.

A brief respite occurred during the reign of Volodymyr Monomakh. Under Volodymyr Monomakh (1113–25) Kyiv once again flourished and the internecine wars abated. Ruskaia Pravda was amended (see Volodymyr Monomakh's Statute), and several valuable works of literature, hagiography, and historiography were composed, including the important Kyivan Cave Patericon. Volodymyr Monomakh himself wrote his famous testament Poucheniie ditiam, in which he told his sons how to be just and powerful rulers. His son Mstyslav I Volodymyrovych (1125–32) inherited the principal lands of Rus’, while the remaining territories were distributed among his brothers. Neither Mstyslav nor his brother and successor in Kyiv, Yaropolk II Volodymyrovych (1132–9), was able to prevent the dynastic rivalry for the title of ‘grand prince of Kyiv and all Rus’.’ The Kyivan Rus’ federation continued to disintegrate and Kyiv itself lost its primacy: the city was sacked several times by feuding princes, most notably in 1169 by Andrei Bogoliubskii of Vladimir, Rostov, and Suzdal. The Kyiv principality, Polatsk principality, Turiv-Pynsk principality, Volodymyr-Volynskyi principality, Halych principality, Chernihiv principality, and Pereiaslav principality emerged as independent and separate entities, with their own political and economic peculiarities, as did Novgorod the Great, Suzdal, Vladimir, and others that later constituted Muscovy and then Russia. The quarreling between the princes left Rus’ vulnerable to foreign attacks, and the invasion of the Mongols in 1236–40 finally destroyed the state. The principalities never organized a common defense, and in turn each was conquered and pillaged. Kyiv was thoroughly sacked in 1240 and reduced to a shadow of its former self.

Origins. The question of the origins of Kyivan Rus’ still produces controversy among historians. The oldest, or Normanist theory rests mainly on a literal interpretation of the Primary Chronicle and stresses the role of the Varangians as the first leaders and organizers of the state. Ukrainian historians, beginning with Mykhailo Maksymovych and followed by Mykola Kostomarov, Volodymyr Antonovych, Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Dmytro Bahalii, Dmytro Doroshenko, Mykola Chubaty, and others, have generally downplayed the Varangian influence on the formation of Rus’. The Soviet historiography categorically rejected the Normanist theory, considering it bourgeois. However, it remains, with certain modifications, the basis of Western historiography of Russia and Ukraine.

The issue of the nationality of the inhabitants of the Kyivan state is also a matter of continuing controversy. The discussion was initiated by the Russian historian Mikhail Pogodin, who claimed that the original inhabitants of contemporary Ukraine fled north under pressure from the Mongols, and that they later became the modern Russian nation. The Ukrainians, meanwhile, arrived much later from somewhere in the Carpathian Mountains. Pogodin's views were expanded on by the philologist Aleksei Sobolevsky. This theory was disputed by Ukrainian historians such as Mykhailo Maksymovych, Mykola Dashkevych, Pavlo Zhytetsky, and Ahatanhel Krymsky. Mykhailo Hrushevsky sought to demonstrate that Ukrainians were autochthonous in their territories, and that the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia was the successor to the Kyivan state. Hrushevsky's theories were for the most part adopted by Ukrainian historians and by some others. Because these theories did not correspond to the political objectives of the Soviet leadership, a panel of historians was commissioned in the 1930s by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to draw up a new historical schema of Eastern Europe; its basic premise was that Kyivan Rus’ had been founded by a single old-Rus’ nationality, out of which Ukrainians, Russians, and Belarusians developed in the 14th and 15th centuries. This theory was given official approbation with the publication of Tezy pro 300-richchia vozz'iednannia Ukraïny z Rosiieiu, 1654–1954 (Theses about the 300th Anniversary of the Reunification of Ukraine with Russia, 1954). The émigré Ukrainian scholarship based itself on Hrushevsky's approach, and continued to expand its corollaries along historical (Mykola Chubaty, Nataliia Polonska-Vasylenko, M. Zhdan, Omeljan Pritsak), archeological (Yaroslav Pasternak), and linguistic (Stepan Smal-Stotsky, George Yurii Shevelov) lines.

The political and social institutions of Kyivan Rus’. From the 10th to the 12th century the Kyivan state underwent significant sociopolitical changes. Its original component tribes had no political tradition, and its first rulers viewed their domain simply as an object of exploitation, at best as a clan possession. Volodymyr the Great was the first ruler to give Rus’ political unity, by way of organized religion. The church provided him with the concepts of territorial and hierarchical organization; Byzantine notions of autocracy were adopted by him and his successors to give them the equivalent of imperial authority. The political traditions introduced by Volodymyr were based on the principles of territorial indivisibility and dynastic sovereignty. The seniority system of rule—ascension from elder brother to younger and from the youngest uncle to the eldest nephew—provided the Riurykide dynasty with a rotating system of advancement of its members, gave them political experience in lands they could someday expect to rule from Kyiv, and assured control, by way of traditional sanctions, of key points of the realm. This system served well until the reign of Volodymyr Monomakh, but did not survive Kyiv's decline.

The power of the grand prince was maintained by his military strength, particularly that of his druzhyna, or retinue. Ideologically, his power was upheld by the church, whose teachings gave him the attributes and responsibilities of a national leader, judge, and first Christian of the realm. The grand prince ruled and dispensed justice with the help of viceroys appointed by him, who were often the sons of the grand prince, of other princes, of governors, or of military commanders. These representatives of the grand prince's central power were aided by local administrators—the desiatski (see Desiatskyi). The grand prince consulted on important state matters with the Boyar Council, which consisted of his senior retainers and the local aristocracy of power and wealth.

The viche (assembly), an important organ already within the tribal network, resolved all matters on behalf of the population. The city viche, composed of freemen, decided mainly on questions of war and peace and on the invitation, recognition, or expulsion of a prince. It became particularly important in the 12th century during the internecine wars of the princes for the throne of Kyiv.

In the Princely era, Ukrainian society had its own peculiarities. Its privileged elite (the boyars and the ‘better people’), which enjoyed full protection of the law, was not a closed estate; based, as it was, on merit, which the prince rewarded with grants of land, its membership was dependent on the will of the prince. Thus even priests' sons and commoners could become boyars. The towns folk consisted of burghers—mostly merchants and crafts people—and paupers. There was little difference in status between the wealthy merchants and the landed boyars. Most freemen were yeomen called smerds, who lived on their own land or on the land of the prince, paid taxes, and performed certain duties, such as building fortifications, bridges, and roads and serving in the levy en masse in times of war; gradually the smerds became dependent on their lords, and some became tenants or hired laborers on the land. A smaller category of peasants consisted of zakups—impoverished smerds who had become indentured and half-free. The lowest social stratum in Rus’ consisted of slaves. Male slaves were called kholopy; usually prisoners of war or the offspring of slaves, they had no rights as persons and were considered the legal, movable property of their masters. Certain churchmen and princes, eg, Volodymyr Monomakh in Volodymyr Monomakh's Statute, tried to improve the lot and legal status of the slaves.

The economy of Kyivan Rus’. Relatively little is known about the economy of Kyiv, although there is no doubt that agriculture was the main activity of the inhabitants. Farming techniques and implements were naturally primitive and the peasants lived mostly at a subsistence level. Some animal husbandry was practiced, as was extensive grain cultivation. Land, particularly after the 11th century, was privately owned. Most peasants supplemented their agricultural activities with fishing, trapping, and hunting, especially in the northern forest and forest-steppe regions. The forests also supplied wood, the major source of fuel. The peasants generally lived in small, scattered villages.

The second major component of Kyiv's economy was foreign trade. Not only were local goods, particularly furs, traded for important items, but much profit was made from the simple transshipment of goods along the great trade routes linking first east and west and later north and south. In the end, it was the breakdown of the trade route from ‘the Varangians to Byzantium’ (see Varangian route) that partially initiated Kyiv's decline, and it was the emergence of specialized routes linking the northern principalities to the Hanseatic League of states that furthered the disintegration of the state.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hrushevs’kyi, M. Istoriia Ukraïny-Rusy, vols 1–3 (Lviv 1898–9)
Grekov, B. Kievskaia Rus’ (Moscow 1949; English trans Kiev Rus [Moscow 1959])
Paszkiewicz, H. The Origin of Russia (London 1954)
Vernadsky, G. The Origins of Russia (New Haven 1959)
Rybakov, B. Drevnaia Rus’ (Moscow 1963)
Shekera, I. Mizhnarodni zv'iazky Kyïvs’koï Rusi (Kyiv 1963)
Chubatyi, M. ‘Kniazha Rus’-Ukraïna ta vynyknennia tr’okh skhidn’o-slovians’kykh natsii,’ in ZNTSh, vol 178 (New York–Paris 1964)
Polons’ka-Vasylenko, N. Dvi kontseptsiï istoriï Ukraïny i Rosiï (Munich 1964; English trans Two Conceptions of the History of Ukraine and Russia [London 1968])
Braichevs’kyi, M. Pokhodzhennia Rusi (Kyiv 1968)
Pashuto, V. Vneshniaia politika Drevnei Rusi (Moscow 1968)
Froianov, I. Kievskaia Rus’: Ocherki sotsial’no-politicheskoi istorii (Leningrad 1980)
Tolochko, P. Kiev i Kievskaia zemlia v epokhu feodal’noi razdroblennosti XII–XIII vekov (Kyiv 1980)
Pritsak, O. The Origin of Rus’, vol 1 (Cambridge, Mass 1981)
Rybakov, B. Kievs’kaia Rus’ i russkie kniazhestva XII–XIII vekov (Moscow 1982)
Rybakov, B.; Selov, V. Vostochnye slaviany v VI–XIII vv. (Moscow 1982)
Gumilev, L. Drevnaia Rus’ i Velikaia step’ (Moscow 1989)
Dimnik, M. The Dynasty of Chernigov 1054–1146 (Toronto 1994)
Franklin, S.; Shepard, J. The Emergence of Rus’: 750–1200 (London–New York 1996)
Tolochko, P. Kyïvs’ka Rus’ (Kyiv 1996)
Hrushevsky, M. History of Ukraine-Rus’, vol 1 (Edmonton–Toronto 1997)
Pelenski, J. The Contest for the Legacy of Kievan Rus’ (Boulder, Colo 1998)
Tolochko, O.; Tolochko, P. Kyïvs’ka Rus’ (Kyiv 1998)
Franklin, S. Byzantium—Rus’—Russia: Studies in the Transition of Christian Culture (Aldershot, UK, and Burlington, Vt, 2002)

Mykhailo Zhdan

[This article originally appeared in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 2 (1988). The bibliography has been updated.]

Hiraeth

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Erkenbrand Conference 2017: Towards a New Golden Age


Woodharrow Institute for Indo-European Studies


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"The world of Indo-European studies, along with other traditional disciplines, is increasingly being eliminated from university programs, not only in the U.S. but also in Europe. The commodification of college degrees and the marketing of education as entertainment undermine more rigorous and rewarding disciplines in favor of college-lite, which fails to meet the real needs of scholars and students alike. For this reason, the Woodharrow Institute has taken upon itself the task of educating a new generation of scholars in the field of Indo-European studies. The Institute is independent of the current status quo, yet applies the same rigorous intellectual standards of traditional academia as found in the first three-quarters of the twentieth century."


In Defense of Ethnonationalism - Eli Harman



Ancient Greek and Viking Masculinity (STJ)

"Both the Greeks and the Norse were Indo-Europeans, which means that their languages and their pagan religions were related. It also seems that their cultures were similar, including their attitudes to manliness."


https://www.menprovement.com/ancient-greek-and-viking-masculinity/

Indigenous Scandinavians

VILKEN ÄR SKANDINAVIENS URBEFOLKNING?
(scroll down for English version)

Till skillnad från nordgermaner som svenskar och norrmän, är samerna internationellt erkända som en skandinavisk urbefolkning – Skandinaviens enda urbefolkning till råga på allt. Men hur tungt väger egentligen det samiska anspråket på ställningen som Skandinaviens urbefolkning?

Samerna är ett finsk-ugriskt folk, vars språk tros ha skilts ifrån tidiga dialekter av det som senare skulle bli finska och estniska under järnåldern, kring år 500 f.Kr (Janhunen 2009). Lingvistisk forskning visar att tidiga samiska dialekter talades i södra Finland under nordisk järnålder, och sedermera spreds norrut och västerut ända till Skandinavien i samband med att finnarna anlände i det som idag är Finland, under medeltiden (Bergsland 1996). Låneord och andra attribut i samiska språk visar att samerna under ett tidigt skede, fortfarande i Finland under järnåldern, hade kontakter med germansktalande folk, och sannolikt även talare av s.k. paleoeuropeiska språk som idag är utdöda (Aikio 2004, 2006). De finsk-ugriska språken tillhör den uraliska språkfamiljen, vars ursprungliga hemvist låg på den europeiska sidan nära Uralbergen. Ord för växter och djur i den rekonstruerade proto-uraliska vokabulären pekar mot denna plats (Campbell 2004, s. 405), vilket också styrks av en rikedom av yttre influenser från närbelägna talare av det tidiga indoiranska språket, i synnerhet ord för bronsåldersteknologi och jordbruksaktiviteter, men också ord av religiös och mytologisk betydelse (Mallory 1991, s. 149). Det proto-indoiranska språket talades kring de södra sluttningarna av Uralbergen under århundradena före 2,000 f.Kr (Warnow et al. 2013).

År 2014 visade Lazaridis et al. att samerna bär på stor andel gener av östasiatiskt ursprung, och är signifikant närmare besläktade med hankineser jämfört med övriga européer. Föga överraskande har den typiskt finsk-ugriska Y-DNA-haplogruppen N visats ha uppstått i södra Kina under äldre stenåldern och sedermera spridits genom Sibirien, för att till slut nå nordöstra Europa (Shi et al. 2013, fig. 4).

I Fennoskandien och Baltikum har inga forntida mäskliga kvarlevor visats vara av östasiatisk börd eller tillhöra haplogrupp N, förrän under första årtusendet e.Kr. Karelska och baltiska kvarlevor från stenåldern ända fram till 200-talet f.Kr tillhör mer traditionellt europeiska haplogrupper som R1a (Haak et al. 2015; Mittnik et al. 2017), och Skandinaviens genetiska förhistoria liknar i stort övriga Europas; de ursprungliga jägar-samlarna och de tidiga jordbrukarna var genetiskt distinkta, och blev båda demografiskt undanträngda och ersatta av indoeuropeiska stammar tillhörande den snörkeramiska kulturen, förfäderna till dagens svenskar och norrmän, strax efter 3,000 f.Kr (Skoglund et al. 2012; Kristiansen et al. 2017). Ölsundmannen i Hälsingland, begravd ca. 2,400 f.Kr i typisk snörkeramisk kontext, i Norden även kallat stridsyxekultur, tillhörde haplogrupp R1a och hade inget östasiatiskt påbrå som skulle särskilja honom från dagens svenskar (Mittnik et al. 2017). Detsamma gäller samtida kvarlevor från snörkeramiska Sope i Estland (Allentoft et al. 2015). Lämningar från stridsyxekulturen har även funnits i Grundsunda i Norrland, och Lofoten och Tromsø i Nordnorge; de senare belägna norr om polcirkeln (Østmo 1996).

Stridsyxekulturen i Skandinavien utvecklades till nordisk bronsålder strax efter 2,000 f.Kr, vilken sedermera gav upphov till den nordiska järnålderskultur som härbärgerade det urgermanska språket och kulturen, och dess ättlingar under vikingatiden (Görman 1990). Bosättningar från nordisk bronsålder, med typisk arkitektur, begravningsmönster och vardagliga föremål, har hittats i Umeå och såpass långt norrut som i närheten av Troms i Norge, trots att Skandinavien liksom idag var mer glesbefolkat i norr (Heinerud & Larsson 2013). Bältesspännen i brons från Flarken i Västerbotten är synnerligen lika samtida bältesspännen hittade i Egtved och Langstrup i Danmark. Genetiken och arkeologin uppvisar alltså gemensamt en kontinuerlig indoeuropeisk närvaro i hela Skandinavien i över 4,500 år, medan kvarlevor av delvis östasiatisk börd uppträder först under sen järnålder i Levänluhta i Finland, daterade mellan 350-730 e.Kr (Lamnidis et al. 2017), vilket klädsamt bekräftar de språkvetenskapliga beläggen för att uralisktalande folk härstammar från ett område invid Uralbergen och inte uppstod i närheten av Fennoskandien, och att samerna bosatte sig i Finland först under järnåldern för att sedan trängas norrut och västerut till de nordliga delarna av Finland, Sverige och Norge under medeltiden, drygt 3,000 år senare än förfäderna till dagens svenskar och norrmän, när de faktiska finnarna anlände i Finland.

...

WHO IS NATIVE TO SCANDINAVIA?

Unlike North Germanic peoples, such as Swedes, the Saami are internationally recognized as an indigenous people of Scandinavia - indeed, the only indigenous people of Scandinavia. But how strong is the Saami claim of indigeneity?

The Saami are a Finno-Ugric people, whose language is believed to have split from the Finnish and Estonian varieties in the Iron Age, around 500 BC (Janhunen 2009). Linguistic research suggests that early Saami languages spread northward from the area of southern Finland during the Nordic Iron Age, and subsequently into northern Scandinavia as the Finns arrived in the Middle Ages (Bergsland 1996). A number of loans and other features of Saami languages suggest that some of the vocabulary of early Germanic speakers, as well as extinct, ancient Paleo-European languages were incorporated into the Saami language at this time (Aikio 2004, 2006). The Finno-Ugric languages belong to the Uralic language family, whose original homeland is believed to have been located close to the Ural mountains in European Russia. Words for plants and animals in the reconstructed Proto-Uralic vocabulary are evidence of this location (Campbell 2004, p. 405), and an additional supporting account is provided by the abundance of Indo-Iranian loanwords in the Uralic lexicon, especially relating to agriculture and technology, but also words of religious and mythological significance (Mallory 1991, p. 149). The Proto-Indo-Iranian language originated around the southern edges of the Urals, in the centuries preceding 2,000 BC (Warnow et al. 2013).

In 2014, Lazaridis et al. noted that the Saami carry significant East Asian genetic admixture and pull in the direction toward the Han Chinese when compared to other Europeans. Unsurprisingly, the Y-DNA haplogroup N, associated with Finno-Ugric speakers, has been found to originate in southern China during the late Upper Paleolithic, having subsequently spread through Siberia and entered Europe more recently (Shi et al. 2013, fig. 4).

In Scandinavia and the East Baltic region, no ancient DNA samples from before the 1st millennium AD have been found carrying East Asian admixture or haplogroup N. Karelian and Baltic samples dating from the Mesolithic to as late as the 3rd century BC belonged to more traditionally West Eurasian paternal lineages such as R1a (Haak et al. 2015; Mittnik et al. 2017), and the genetic history of Scandinavia resembles that of most of Europe; the original hunter-gatherers and incoming Neolithic farmers were distinct groups, who were both mostly displaced by incoming Indo-European tribes of the Corded Ware culture, ancestral to modern North Germanic peoples, in the early 3rd millennium BC (Skoglund et al. 2012; Kristiansen et al. 2017). The Corded Ware man found at Ölsund, Hälsingland (dated around 2,400 BC) belonged to Y-DNA haplogroup R1a and had no East Asian admixture to set him apart from modern Swedes (Mittnik et al. 2017). The same is true for a contemporary of his from the Sope site of the Estonian Corded Ware (Allentoft et al. 2015). Material remains of the Corded Ware culture have also been found at Grundsunda in northern Sweden, as well as Lofoten and Tromsø in northern Norway; the latter of which are located north of the arctic circle (Østmo 1996).

The Scandinavian Corded Ware developed into the Nordic Bronze Age in the early 2nd millennium BC, which subsequently developed into the Iron Age locus of Proto-Germanic culture, succeeded by its descendands of the Viking Age (Görman 1990). Although Scandinavia was more densely populated in the south - much like today - settlements typical of the Nordic Bronze Age in terms of architecture, burials and everyday items have been found in Umeå, Sweden, and as far north of the Arctic circle as Troms county in Norway (Heinerud & Larsson 2013). Bronze Bronze Age belt buckles found in Flarken, northern Sweden bear striking semblance to contemporary belt buckles of Egtved and Langstrup in Denmark. Archaeology and genetics thus demonstrate a continuity of Indo-European settlement in Scandinavia from at least 4,500 years before present, while it is not until the late Iron Age that we find East Asian admixed remains from Levänluhta, Finland, dated 350-730 AD (Lamnidis et al. 2017), which neatly corroborates the linguistic evidence of Uralic speakers having migrated from the Ural mountains region instead of being native to the Baltic, and of the Saami having occupied large parts of Finland before the actual Finns arrived, pushing them north and west into Scandinavia.

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References:

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- Bergsland, K. 1996. Bidrag til sydsamenes historie, Senter for Samiske Studier Universitet i Tromsø.
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- Mittnik et al 2017. The Genetic History of Northern Europe.
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- Lamnidis et al. 2017. Genome wide data from the Iron Age provides insights into the population history of Finland.
- http://mis.historiska.se/mis/sok/fid.asp?fid=411155&g=1
- http://www.vbm.se/sv/for-medierna/pb_2000/samlingarna.html
- http://en.natmus.dk/historical-knowledge/denmark/prehistoric-period-until-1050-ad/the-bronze-age/the-belt-plate-from-langstrup/
- http://en.natmus.dk/historical-knowledge/denmark/prehistoric-period-until-1050-ad/the-bronze-age/the-egtved-girl/